Inside the Secret Deals Powering the President’s Push to Deport Migrants to Countries Not Their Own

The U.S. diplomat arrived in West Africa in mid-June, quietly visiting senior government officials in the Ivory Coast, Gambia, Guinea Bissau, Togo, and Gabon. Christian Ehrhardt, an unlikely diplomatic VIP, was a career State Department officer focusing on embassy protection before being summoned to Washington to lead the new Office of Remigration.

Since then, Ehrhardt, aged 41, has traveled across Africa, persuading leaders to accept flights of people deported from the U.S., even though these migrants are not their citizens. These ‘third country’ deportation deals, introduced in the second Trump administration, form a core of the president’s strict immigration policy, negotiated by Ehrhardt’s office.

The Trump administration has pledged at least $410 million for agreements with 31 countries, primarily in Africa and Latin America, according to internal documents reviewed by The Washington Post. These documents reveal details of the administration’s expanding third-country network.

Early deals included flights to Costa Rica carrying migrants from China, Russia, Iran, and Afghanistan, along with a flight to Eswatini holding migrants from Vietnam, Laos, Cuba, and Jamaica.

The arrangements are directed by Stephen Miller, a White House deputy chief of staff. Miller, known for his strict immigration stance, has pushed key State Department appointments, allowing him to prioritize deportations over other foreign policy goals.

A U.S. official stated that Ehrhardt, although a deputy assistant secretary of state, is seen as a White House envoy when meeting foreign leaders. His office’s name, ‘Remigration,’ is controversial, as the term has been popularized by white nationalists in Europe.

Financial commitments vary widely under these agreements. The Office of Remigration documents show $81 million in direct payments to foreign governments. While this sum is small for the U.S. budget, it often means a significant increase in funds to authoritarian regimes that previously received less from the U.S.

The Office of Remigration marks a stark departure in U.S. foreign policy, focusing on expelling refugees rather than resettling them. The contracts bypass human rights safeguards included in most foreign spending.

The administration also pledged grants totaling $179 million to the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and $124 million to the U.N. Refugee Agency. These funds are negotiated alongside deportation agreements with foreign governments.

Conditions under the contracts differ significantly. For instance, Uganda accepts African nationals only, while the Democratic Republic of the Congo refuses African migrants. Several countries agree to take violent criminals, whereas others, like Ghana and Sierra Leone, accept only nonviolent offenders.

Despite rising costs and complexities, the agreements lack oversight on how the money is spent and the migrants’ treatment. U.S. human rights reports highlight abuses in some participating countries. Migrants deported via these agreements reportedly face inhumane conditions, including beatings and food denial.

‘Fast money with no strings attached’ was the goal, according to a former official who resigned over objections to the policy. This setup circumvents congressional notification about sending money to known corrupt governments.

Inside the Office of Remigration, low morale is prevalent among staff. Some employees have sought transfers or left the department entirely. Others struggle to stay positive about their work, sharing news stories and warnings with their colleagues.

The Trump administration’s deportation agenda undermines the global refugee system, according to critics. It sets a dangerous precedent, discarding responsibilities to refugees and promises made after World War II.